Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

has not

  • 1 lazъ

    lazъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 72-76
    Czech:
    laz `part of a furrow that has not been ploughed up' [m o];
    láz `slope where the forest has been uprooted but the earth has not been worked' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    laz `strip of land, ploughed field, field' [m o];
    láz `strip of land, ploughed field, field' [m o]
    Slovak:
    lazy `kind of mountain settlements' [Nompm o];
    lazy `ploughed fields, meadows, houses on a slope' [Nompm o]
    Polish:
    ɫaz `mountain path, pasture' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    ɫaz `strip of worked land in the woods' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁz (Vuk) `small field, place with many felled trees' [m o];
    lȃz `cleared field, narrow passage, hole in a fence' [m o];
    Čak. lå̑z (Vrgada) `hole in a fence' [m o]
    Slovene:
    lȃz `clear spot in the woods, virgin soil' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: loh₁ǵʰ-o-
    Other cognates:
    OIc. lágr `low' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lazъ

  • 2 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 3 děti

    I. děti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `do, say'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 229-230
    Old Church Slavic:
    dějati `do, say' [verb], dějǫ [1sg];
    děti sę `get to, disappear' [verb], deždǫ sę [1sg] \{1\};
    -děti `do, say' [verb], -dějǫ [1sg], -deždǫ [1sg], -děnǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    det' `put, place' [verb], dénu [1sg];
    déjat' (dial.) `do, make' [verb], déju [1sg]
    Czech:
    díti (obs.) `speak' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    dieti `do' [verb], děju [1sg], dějěš [2sg];
    dieti `speak, say' [verb], diem [1sg], dieš [2sg] \{1\}
    Polish:
    dziać `weave, knit (arch.), do' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅti `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg];
    djȅsti (Vuk) `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹjáti `do, say' [verb], dẹ̑jem [1sg];
    dẹjáti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg];
    dẹjáti `place, put' [verb], dẹ́nem [1sg], dę́nem [1sg];
    dẹ́ti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    dė́ti `lay, put' [verb], dẽda [3ps];
    dė́ti (OLith.) `lay, put' [verb], desti [3ps]
    Latvian:
    dêt `lay (eggs)' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰeh₁-
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dádhāti `put, place, make' [verb];
    Gk. τίθημι `to put down, to ground, to create' [verb];
    Lat. fē-cī `to make' [1sgpfa];
    OHG tuon `to do' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The SJS gives děti sę, 1sg. deždǫ sę, 2sg. deždeši sę (Hilf., Venc.). The latter text does not belong to the Old Church Slavic canon. The quoted passages do not show that the present stem dežd- occurs in Hilf. \{2\} In his Old Czech dictionary, Gebauer has děti, děju `do' and děti, děju `speak, say'. In his Czech historical grammar (III.2: 228), however, he says that deju `I speak' is not attested and claims that the attested 1sg. diem is an innovation.
    II. děti II Grammatical information: Nompf. Proto-Slavic meaning: `children'
    Page in Trubačev: V 14
    Old Church Slavic:
    děti `children' [Nompf]
    Russian:
    déti `children' [Nom p]
    Czech:
    děti `children' [Nom p]
    Slovak:
    deti `children' [Nom p]
    Polish:
    dzieci `children' [Nom p]
    Slovincian:
    ʒìe̯cä `children' [Nom p]
    Bulgarian:
    déti (dial.) `children' [Nom p]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: A derivative of the root * dʰeh₁-, cf. Latv. dę̂ls `son', dêt `suck'. The singular *dětь is hardly attested. The common singular of the word for `child' is -> *dětę, wehere the suffix *-t- was enlarged with the suffix *- < *- ent-, which is frequent in designations of young living creatures.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. fētus `birth, foetus, offspring'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děti

  • 4 berstъ

    berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: I 199-200
    Russian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]
    Czech:
    břest `elm' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzost `elm' [m o];
    brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];
    Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];
    brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];
    Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́st `elm' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjast `elm' [m o];
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > berstъ

  • 5 drě̄màti

    drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'
    Page in Trubačev: V 108-109
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Russian:
    dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]
    Czech:
    dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovak:
    driemat' `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Polish:
    drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];
    Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];
    Lat. dormīre `sleep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In OCS, we only find drěmanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. `slumber'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drě̄màti

  • 6 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 7 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 8 jьgъlà

    jьgъlà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `needle'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 213-214
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    igla `needle' [f ā]
    Russian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    hólka `needle' [f ā];
    ihlá (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jehla `needle' [f ā];
    ihɫa (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    ihla `needle' [f ā]
    Polish:
    igɫa `needle, pin' [f ā];
    jegɫa (dial.) `needle, pin' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯glă `needle' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    gɫa `needle' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jḁglă `needle' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìgla `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    jìgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    jàgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. iglȁ (Vrgada) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. iglȁ (Novi) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. jȏgla (Hvar) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. ȉgla (Orbanići) `needle' [f ā], ȉglo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    ígla `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    iglà `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    jǝ̀gla `needle, kingpin' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    ayculo `needle' [f ā]
    Comments: The connection with Lith. (dial.) áigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', aĩgaras `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h₂ or *h₃. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozě igъlině uši `through the eye of a needle'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьgъlà

  • 9 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 10 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 11 čàjati

    čàjati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a
    Page in Trubačev: IV 10-11
    Old Church Slavic:
    čajati `expect, thirst for, hope for' [verb], čajǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    čájat' `expect, hope for' [verb], čáju [1sg], čáet [3sg] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȁjati `wait' [verb]
    Slovene:
    čȃjati `wait' [verb], čȃjem [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kweh₁i-e/o-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 636
    Comments: Its has been a matter of dispute (see LIV s.v. * kʷei-) whether or not the root contains a laryngeal. Even though Dybo (1968: 205, 234, 236) classifies čajati as (c), it seems to me that the evidence warrants the reconstruction of AP (a), which in my framework implies the former presence of a laryngeal.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. cā́yati `perceive, observe' [verb];
    Gk. τίω `esteem, respect highly' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also AP (a) in Old Russian, with traces of (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čàjati

  • 12 deltò

    deltò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `chisel'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 205
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dlijèto `chisel' [n o];
    Čak. lītȍ (Vrgada) `chisel' [n o], lĩtå̑ [Nom p];
    Čak. lētȍ (Novi) `chisel' [n o], léta [Nom p];
    Čak. dlietȍ (Orbanići) `chisel' [n o], dliẽta [Nom p]
    Slovene:
    dlẹ́tọ `chisel' [n o] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    dletó `chisel' [n o]
    Page in Pokorny: 246
    Comments: Variant with e-vocalism of -> *doltò. The ESSJa adduces Cz. dletko (Kott) `edge of a plane' to show that *delbtò is not limited to South Slavic. It seems plausible that the e-grade is analogical after the verb, but it must be admitted that * delbti is hardly attested. The only form mentoned in the ESSJa (IV: 205) is Čak. dlisti.
    Other cognates:
    OE delfan `dig' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Pleteršnik actually has dlétọ, which is probably a misprint.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > deltò

  • 13 děliti

    děliti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `divide'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 233-234
    Old Church Slavic:
    dělitъ (Supr.) `divides' [3sg]
    Russian:
    delít' `divide' [verb], deljú [1sg], délit [3sg] \{1\}
    Czech:
    děliti `divide' [verb]
    Slovak:
    deliti `divide' [verb]
    Polish:
    dzielić `divide' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijèliti `divide' [verb], dȉjeljīm [1sg];
    Čak. dīlȉti (Vrgada) `divide' [verb], dĩlīš [2sg];
    Čak. dielȉt (Orbanići) `divide' [verb], diẽlin [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹlíti `divide' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    deljá `divide, share' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doil- (dail-?)
    Lithuanian:
    dailýti `divide' [verb], daĩlo [3ps]
    Comments: Slavic *děl- has Germanic counterparts reflecting * dʰoil- or * dʰail-. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. δαίομαι `distribute' < * deh₂-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the accentuation of *dě́lъ (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction * deh₂i-l-.
    Other cognates:
    Go. dailjan `divide' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děliti

  • 14 dě̀va

    dě̀va Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `maiden, girl'
    Page in Trubačev: V 17-18
    Old Church Slavic:
    děva `virgin, maiden' [f ā]
    Russian:
    déva (obs.) `girl, maiden, (D.) The Virgin, Virgo' [f ā]
    Czech:
    děva `girl, maiden' [f ā];
    díva (dial.) `girl, maiden' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    deva `girl' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djéva `girl, maiden' [f ā];
    Čak. Dȋva (Marȉja) (Vrgada) `The Virgin (Mary)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    dẹ́va `maiden, virgin' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    déva `maiden, virgin' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Other cognates:
    Gk. θη̃λυς `feminine' [adj];
    Lat. fēcundus `fertile' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The noun djéva seems to be a hypercoristic of djèvōjka (RJA II 449-450) and cannot be regarded as a direct continuation of *dě̀va. The RJA has also djȅv (18th c.) [f i] and djȅva `virgo', which do not belong to the living language. The status of the accentuation of these words is unclear to me.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dě̀va

  • 15 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 16 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 17 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 18 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 19 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 20 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

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